செவ்வாய், 13 மார்ச், 2012
வெள்ளி, 9 மார்ச், 2012
POTTER, KULALA, KUYAVAR, VELAR
POTTER | |||||||||
The potter in Tamil Nadu, as in most other parts of India, | |||||||||
provides villagers with many of the containers and utensils for | |||||||||
domestic use. In most south indian villages one street or section | |||||||||
of huts is the home and workplace of a group of potter families. | |||||||||
Potters in India are usually referred to by some variation of | |||||||||
Sanskrit word kulala or pot - e.g. kummara (Telugu), kumbaro (oriya) | |||||||||
kumbara (canarese), in tamil nadu potters are commonly called | |||||||||
(by other groups) Kuyavar (kuyavar). This is the respectful form of | |||||||||
Kuyavan from the sanskrit ku, "earth," and avan, "person." | |||||||||
The government now officially refers to potter groups in | |||||||||
Tamil Nadu as Kulala (kulala), again the respectful form, this term | |||||||||
is also derived from sanskrit and has its origin, according to | |||||||||
thurston (1909 : 112) in a legend about Kulalan, son of Brahma, | |||||||||
who wanted to create and destroy things daily and so become a | |||||||||
potter (small utensils of mud are often used only once and then | |||||||||
broken). | |||||||||
The term that potters used for their own group in Madurai | |||||||||
District is velar (velar). Potters will be referred to in this way | |||||||||
throughout this paper. Although both men and women work | |||||||||
side by side when making pots. The making of mud figures and | |||||||||
other work for the village temples seems to be men's work and | |||||||||
thus the term velar will be used most often in reference to the | |||||||||
male members of the group. | |||||||||
Velars of Madurai District make fine Pots. Manamadurai a | |||||||||
town southeast of Madurai in ramnad district, is renown, for the | |||||||||
finest pots in the state. The bulk of the velar"s work consists of | |||||||||
making common water and storage pots called Manpanai | |||||||||
(manpanai) or simply panai. These are begun with the lip and | |||||||||
upeer section thrown on a wheel and the bottom moulded | |||||||||
by a hammer and anvil technique. Two types of wheel are | |||||||||
commonly used : one wooden and spoked like a cartwheel and | |||||||||
the other made of solid mud with a stone cone inset to turn on. | |||||||||
Both wheels are driven by hand, sometimes with the assitance of | |||||||||
lever-stick. A variety of hand techniques are used to make other | |||||||||
common items such as country stoves and livestock watering | |||||||||
troughs. More specialized items are the huge kulumai (kulumai), | |||||||||
grain (Paddy) storage pots. And vilakkukutu (vilakkukutu), lamp | |||||||||
covers for shrines. | |||||||||
Many items are made according to demand at certain times | |||||||||
of the year, such as the small dishes used as lamps at karttikai | |||||||||
(kaarththikai), the tamil Dipavali (festival of lights). Various ritual | |||||||||
pots, often painted or decorated, are made for annual celebrations, | |||||||||
marriages, and festivals. Mud pots are sold in markets at cities and | |||||||||
towns and account for only a part of the velars output. Many | |||||||||
products are sold directly to local people or are bartered and traded | |||||||||
with other craftsmen and farmers from the velar's front porch area, | |||||||||
the place where the products have been made and stored. | |||||||||
ARTIST | |||||||||
Among most groups of velars there is a family or number | |||||||||
of families carrying the traditional responsibility of making the | |||||||||
mud images of gods and offerings for the village temple. In a | |||||||||
village with a large community of velars. Several families may | |||||||||
participate in this work (or a very large family occupying several | |||||||||
households). A velar may make mud images for only part of his | |||||||||
working life or only at special times during the year according to | |||||||||
shifting responsibilities and requirements. A detailed consideration | |||||||||
of these responsibilities and the full extent of the velar's art will | |||||||||
be provided in the latter part of this study. | |||||||||
PRIEST | |||||||||
Very closely associated with the making of mud figures is | |||||||||
the service of the priest of the village temples where the figures are | |||||||||
installed (the use of the term "village temple" will be explained in | |||||||||
the section under that heading). The priest who presides at the | |||||||||
installation of mud figures and at subsequent puja or worship is | |||||||||
often a velar from the family who made the figures and frequently | |||||||||
he is the artist himself. | |||||||||
There are explanations as to why velars of Madurai | |||||||||
District enjoy the status that allows them to wear the sacred | |||||||||
thread and perform the important religious tasks in the village. | |||||||||
The velars feel that they are intimately associated with the life | |||||||||
processes of their fellow villagers providing for their daily needs | |||||||||
from birth, when the birth sac breaks (symbolized by a pot), | |||||||||
until death, when a mud pot is broken at the funeral pyre by | |||||||||
a close relative of the deceased. Until relatively recently, velars | |||||||||
played a very important part in the ritual of south indian | |||||||||
marriages. A popular south indian story tells of the descent of | |||||||||
potters from a brahmin father and a sudra mother: the mother | |||||||||
provided the occupational heritage and the father, the priestly. | |||||||||
In south indian villages, as in most of rural india, the performance | |||||||||
of religious rites is associated, at least in theory, with Brahmins. | |||||||||
Another justification for velars conducting worship is | |||||||||
explained through their legendary importance in the ancient | |||||||||
kingdoms of south india. The velar prepared the utensils of daily | |||||||||
use for the kings and queens and, most importantly, fashioned the | |||||||||
large mud burial urns in which members of royalty were buried. | |||||||||
Excellent examples of conceivably similar urns are on display at the | |||||||||
tamil nadu state museum. The task of making these urns has been | |||||||||
glorified in poetry of the cankam literature of ancient tamil nadu | |||||||||
which is the foundation of tamil literature atleast as early as the | |||||||||
first millenium B.C. tamils often refer to cankam literature as | |||||||||
authoritative traditional history and as a guide to social morality, | |||||||||
much as North Indians refer to the vedas, upanishads, and puranas. | |||||||||
The name of common village priest is pucari (pucari), a | |||||||||
word of sanskritic derivation used in many parts of india. Although | |||||||||
pucaris of other than velar castes conduct worship, velar pucari is | |||||||||
dominate in the area of my observations and therefore when | |||||||||
reference is made to pucari it can be taken to mean velar pucari. | |||||||||
The pucari has been described to me as the "official" of "permanent" | |||||||||
priest (although this is not always the case), "servant of god." or | |||||||||
more whimsically, "one who serves god all the time like a | |||||||||
christian father" | |||||||||
The actual ceremonial responsibilities of a pucari will be | |||||||||
outlined in the section dealing with village festivals but we may | |||||||||
now discuss the position itself. The privilege of being a pucari | |||||||||
(Both advantages and disadvantages will become apparent) is | |||||||||
hereditary. It is passed from father to son or other close relative | |||||||||
and is inextricably tied to a particular village temple. The pucari | |||||||||
and his family usually live in the village of the temple he serves | |||||||||
or in a village nearby. His family should have long. Preferably | |||||||||
"eternal." historical relationships with the temple. If a man has | |||||||||
two sons, he may share the responsibilities between them: each | |||||||||
son may take charge for six months or a year at a time. Male | |||||||||
relatives of an extended family may also share the duties in many | |||||||||
cases, a number of velar families share the responsibilities of | |||||||||
pucari for particular temples, each taking their turn in successive | |||||||||
years. Variations on this formula involving more sons families etc. | |||||||||
are really endless and often disputes arise among relations | |||||||||
claiming the privileges. | |||||||||
Such disputes are resolved in a number of different ways. | |||||||||
Some of the resolutions discussed here apply also in cases where | |||||||||
there is no successor and a new family must be chosen from | |||||||||
among the local velars. The people gather, often in the village | |||||||||
temple, and some type of puja is offered. Names of qualified | |||||||||
prospects or of disputing parties are written on small pieces of | |||||||||
paper and are put in a basket before the god or the papers can | |||||||||
also be scattered before the god. A small child, least likely to be | |||||||||
influenced by prejudices that might alter the will of god, is coaxed | |||||||||
to pick up one of the pieces of paper. As an added precaution the | |||||||||
child may be blindfolded. In "older times," coloured petals or | |||||||||
whole blossoms of different flowers were used as markers, rather | |||||||||
than paper. I was told that identically wrapped packets containing | |||||||||
various sub stances ( e.g. ash, vermillion powder ) were also used | |||||||||
as tokens for selection; in any case, it was said that occasionally | |||||||||
old men of the villate would make a judgment and "fairly choose | |||||||||
the village priest." One factor limiting the actual need for such | |||||||||
arrangements in Arappalayam and other villages that I frequented | |||||||||
near madurai was that many velars living there had migrated from | |||||||||
other places and were thus effectively barred forever from any | |||||||||
consideration of service as a pucari in the local temples. |
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