kulala kulalar velar kuyavar manvinaigner udaiyar
சனி, 5 ஜனவரி, 2013
புரவி எடுப்பு அல்லது குதிரை எடுப்பு
கிராமங்களில் கிராம காவல் தெய்வமான அய்யனார் கோவிலுக்கு குதிரை எடுப்பு திருவிழா நடத்த கிராம மக்கள் ஒன்று கூடி கிராமத்தினர் குதிரைகளை செய்ய குலாலரிடம் (வேளார்) பிடி மண் கொடுத்து குதிரைகளை செய்து கொடுக்க கூறுவர். மேலும் கிராமத்தினர் நேர்த்திக் கடன்களுக்கு ஏற்றவாறு மண்ணால் கை, கால், பாதம், காளை, மதலம் பிள்ளை போன்றவைகளும் செய்து திருவிழா காலத்தில் குதிரை மற்றும் அய்யனார், கருப்பசாமி போன்ற காவல் தெய்வங்களும் கிராம மக்களால் நாட்டுப்புற கலைகளுடன் ஊர்வலமாக எடுத்து வந்து கோவிலில் வைப்பார்கள்.
ஓம் பூதநாதாய வித்மஹே! பவ நந்தநாய தீமஹி! தந்நோ சாஸ்தா ப்ரசோதயாத்!
திங்கள், 13 ஆகஸ்ட், 2012
செவ்வாய், 13 மார்ச், 2012
வெள்ளி, 9 மார்ச், 2012
POTTER, KULALA, KUYAVAR, VELAR
POTTER | |||||||||
The potter in Tamil Nadu, as in most other parts of India, | |||||||||
provides villagers with many of the containers and utensils for | |||||||||
domestic use. In most south indian villages one street or section | |||||||||
of huts is the home and workplace of a group of potter families. | |||||||||
Potters in India are usually referred to by some variation of | |||||||||
Sanskrit word kulala or pot - e.g. kummara (Telugu), kumbaro (oriya) | |||||||||
kumbara (canarese), in tamil nadu potters are commonly called | |||||||||
(by other groups) Kuyavar (kuyavar). This is the respectful form of | |||||||||
Kuyavan from the sanskrit ku, "earth," and avan, "person." | |||||||||
The government now officially refers to potter groups in | |||||||||
Tamil Nadu as Kulala (kulala), again the respectful form, this term | |||||||||
is also derived from sanskrit and has its origin, according to | |||||||||
thurston (1909 : 112) in a legend about Kulalan, son of Brahma, | |||||||||
who wanted to create and destroy things daily and so become a | |||||||||
potter (small utensils of mud are often used only once and then | |||||||||
broken). | |||||||||
The term that potters used for their own group in Madurai | |||||||||
District is velar (velar). Potters will be referred to in this way | |||||||||
throughout this paper. Although both men and women work | |||||||||
side by side when making pots. The making of mud figures and | |||||||||
other work for the village temples seems to be men's work and | |||||||||
thus the term velar will be used most often in reference to the | |||||||||
male members of the group. | |||||||||
Velars of Madurai District make fine Pots. Manamadurai a | |||||||||
town southeast of Madurai in ramnad district, is renown, for the | |||||||||
finest pots in the state. The bulk of the velar"s work consists of | |||||||||
making common water and storage pots called Manpanai | |||||||||
(manpanai) or simply panai. These are begun with the lip and | |||||||||
upeer section thrown on a wheel and the bottom moulded | |||||||||
by a hammer and anvil technique. Two types of wheel are | |||||||||
commonly used : one wooden and spoked like a cartwheel and | |||||||||
the other made of solid mud with a stone cone inset to turn on. | |||||||||
Both wheels are driven by hand, sometimes with the assitance of | |||||||||
lever-stick. A variety of hand techniques are used to make other | |||||||||
common items such as country stoves and livestock watering | |||||||||
troughs. More specialized items are the huge kulumai (kulumai), | |||||||||
grain (Paddy) storage pots. And vilakkukutu (vilakkukutu), lamp | |||||||||
covers for shrines. | |||||||||
Many items are made according to demand at certain times | |||||||||
of the year, such as the small dishes used as lamps at karttikai | |||||||||
(kaarththikai), the tamil Dipavali (festival of lights). Various ritual | |||||||||
pots, often painted or decorated, are made for annual celebrations, | |||||||||
marriages, and festivals. Mud pots are sold in markets at cities and | |||||||||
towns and account for only a part of the velars output. Many | |||||||||
products are sold directly to local people or are bartered and traded | |||||||||
with other craftsmen and farmers from the velar's front porch area, | |||||||||
the place where the products have been made and stored. | |||||||||
ARTIST | |||||||||
Among most groups of velars there is a family or number | |||||||||
of families carrying the traditional responsibility of making the | |||||||||
mud images of gods and offerings for the village temple. In a | |||||||||
village with a large community of velars. Several families may | |||||||||
participate in this work (or a very large family occupying several | |||||||||
households). A velar may make mud images for only part of his | |||||||||
working life or only at special times during the year according to | |||||||||
shifting responsibilities and requirements. A detailed consideration | |||||||||
of these responsibilities and the full extent of the velar's art will | |||||||||
be provided in the latter part of this study. | |||||||||
PRIEST | |||||||||
Very closely associated with the making of mud figures is | |||||||||
the service of the priest of the village temples where the figures are | |||||||||
installed (the use of the term "village temple" will be explained in | |||||||||
the section under that heading). The priest who presides at the | |||||||||
installation of mud figures and at subsequent puja or worship is | |||||||||
often a velar from the family who made the figures and frequently | |||||||||
he is the artist himself. | |||||||||
There are explanations as to why velars of Madurai | |||||||||
District enjoy the status that allows them to wear the sacred | |||||||||
thread and perform the important religious tasks in the village. | |||||||||
The velars feel that they are intimately associated with the life | |||||||||
processes of their fellow villagers providing for their daily needs | |||||||||
from birth, when the birth sac breaks (symbolized by a pot), | |||||||||
until death, when a mud pot is broken at the funeral pyre by | |||||||||
a close relative of the deceased. Until relatively recently, velars | |||||||||
played a very important part in the ritual of south indian | |||||||||
marriages. A popular south indian story tells of the descent of | |||||||||
potters from a brahmin father and a sudra mother: the mother | |||||||||
provided the occupational heritage and the father, the priestly. | |||||||||
In south indian villages, as in most of rural india, the performance | |||||||||
of religious rites is associated, at least in theory, with Brahmins. | |||||||||
Another justification for velars conducting worship is | |||||||||
explained through their legendary importance in the ancient | |||||||||
kingdoms of south india. The velar prepared the utensils of daily | |||||||||
use for the kings and queens and, most importantly, fashioned the | |||||||||
large mud burial urns in which members of royalty were buried. | |||||||||
Excellent examples of conceivably similar urns are on display at the | |||||||||
tamil nadu state museum. The task of making these urns has been | |||||||||
glorified in poetry of the cankam literature of ancient tamil nadu | |||||||||
which is the foundation of tamil literature atleast as early as the | |||||||||
first millenium B.C. tamils often refer to cankam literature as | |||||||||
authoritative traditional history and as a guide to social morality, | |||||||||
much as North Indians refer to the vedas, upanishads, and puranas. | |||||||||
The name of common village priest is pucari (pucari), a | |||||||||
word of sanskritic derivation used in many parts of india. Although | |||||||||
pucaris of other than velar castes conduct worship, velar pucari is | |||||||||
dominate in the area of my observations and therefore when | |||||||||
reference is made to pucari it can be taken to mean velar pucari. | |||||||||
The pucari has been described to me as the "official" of "permanent" | |||||||||
priest (although this is not always the case), "servant of god." or | |||||||||
more whimsically, "one who serves god all the time like a | |||||||||
christian father" | |||||||||
The actual ceremonial responsibilities of a pucari will be | |||||||||
outlined in the section dealing with village festivals but we may | |||||||||
now discuss the position itself. The privilege of being a pucari | |||||||||
(Both advantages and disadvantages will become apparent) is | |||||||||
hereditary. It is passed from father to son or other close relative | |||||||||
and is inextricably tied to a particular village temple. The pucari | |||||||||
and his family usually live in the village of the temple he serves | |||||||||
or in a village nearby. His family should have long. Preferably | |||||||||
"eternal." historical relationships with the temple. If a man has | |||||||||
two sons, he may share the responsibilities between them: each | |||||||||
son may take charge for six months or a year at a time. Male | |||||||||
relatives of an extended family may also share the duties in many | |||||||||
cases, a number of velar families share the responsibilities of | |||||||||
pucari for particular temples, each taking their turn in successive | |||||||||
years. Variations on this formula involving more sons families etc. | |||||||||
are really endless and often disputes arise among relations | |||||||||
claiming the privileges. | |||||||||
Such disputes are resolved in a number of different ways. | |||||||||
Some of the resolutions discussed here apply also in cases where | |||||||||
there is no successor and a new family must be chosen from | |||||||||
among the local velars. The people gather, often in the village | |||||||||
temple, and some type of puja is offered. Names of qualified | |||||||||
prospects or of disputing parties are written on small pieces of | |||||||||
paper and are put in a basket before the god or the papers can | |||||||||
also be scattered before the god. A small child, least likely to be | |||||||||
influenced by prejudices that might alter the will of god, is coaxed | |||||||||
to pick up one of the pieces of paper. As an added precaution the | |||||||||
child may be blindfolded. In "older times," coloured petals or | |||||||||
whole blossoms of different flowers were used as markers, rather | |||||||||
than paper. I was told that identically wrapped packets containing | |||||||||
various sub stances ( e.g. ash, vermillion powder ) were also used | |||||||||
as tokens for selection; in any case, it was said that occasionally | |||||||||
old men of the villate would make a judgment and "fairly choose | |||||||||
the village priest." One factor limiting the actual need for such | |||||||||
arrangements in Arappalayam and other villages that I frequented | |||||||||
near madurai was that many velars living there had migrated from | |||||||||
other places and were thus effectively barred forever from any | |||||||||
consideration of service as a pucari in the local temples. |
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